Stakeknife:
Britains Secret Agents In Ireland. By Martin Ingram & Greg
Harkin. OBrien Press. ISBN: 0-86278-843-9
This
book has been long awaited. Since 1999 when allusions to a senior
British agent operating in the highest echelons of the IRA began
to filter into public discourse, unease mixed with fascination has
permeated the psyche of the republican constituency. Many believed
and some hoped that once Stakeknife was unmasked it would reveal
a high profile politician. Uninformed critics of the Sinn Fein leadership
harboured hopes that from within its midst a prestigious figure
and formidable advocate of the peace process would be dragged shouting,
screaming and lying into the public spotlight. Others more inclined
to read Ed Moloney, and therefore more attuned to the background,
appreciated that such a sensational, if it were to materialise,
would be for another day. When the outing came last May, name recognition
for Freddie Scappaticci hardly registered amongst the uninitiated.
In
the days following the public revelation, Scappaticci managed to
beguile a sizeable section of republican opinion. While assisted
in this by some weak journalism, a more substantial source of succour
came from the Sinn Fein leadership, which, in uncharacteristic fashion,
decided that those accused of working for the other side should
be provided with a solicitor rather than a unit from the IRAs
internal security department. But as the months dragged by, and
despite shrill attempts by some subservient local hacks to bounce
their readers into believing the story had died within a week of
it first appearing, there were few prepared to wager even a small
bet that Scap was the innocent victim of a securocrat
conspiracy. What residual sympathy remained for him is likely to
be torpedoed by the publication of Stakeknife.
Jointly
written by The Peoples Northern editor Greg Harkin
and former British Army agent handler Martin Ingram, the book sets
out to chart Scappaticcis career as Britains most important
civil servant in the North. It contains little that
is new. One of the authors, Greg Harkin, has extensively covered
the detail elsewhere. Ingrams imprimatur is what lends the
book its explosive authenticity. Once the darling of elements within
the nationalist press for his exposure of British-loyalist collusion,
allegations by him of similar activity between the British and republicans
cannot be lightly dismissed.
An
immediate deficiency in the book is the lack of documented evidence.
Nothing that a forensic mind could work with is forthcoming. Yet
the authors provide an entirely plausible explanation for this
British security personnel, out of pure self-interest destroyed
anything that could prove detrimental to their mans wellbeing.
And the circumstantial case against Scappaticci is powerful. All
the leads point in only one direction. While the existence of taped
recordings of the former numero uno head hunter talking to journalists
from the Cook Report team, do not prove Scap is an agent, his denials
that he ever met the journalists prove that on the matter of compromising
IRA security he is unworthy of belief.
In
different circumstances were the republican grassroots to behave
as something other than blind adherents to the leadership line,
this book would lead many of them to confront their leaders with
difficult questions. Not least of all why the leadership strata
would seek to cover up for one of its own, when it was clear that
all was not rosy in the garden husbanded by Scappaticci. The most
plausible reason for such a cover up is the self-serving one of
public-image. For decades the leadership liked to cultivate the
myth that it had directed the most professional and efficient guerrilla
army the western world had played host to. And for it to admit that
the man it entrusted with the security of its organisation and the
lives and freedom of its volunteers was a senior agent of the British
state, would leave it to carry the mark of Cain. That leadership,
in suggesting Scap was a victim, was not in fact covering for him
but for itself, its incompetence and bungling - which was anything
but professional and efficient.
Those
put to the sword on Scappaticcis watch the book claims
there were 35 can no longer be regarded as the collaborators
the republican leadership alleged them to be. Undoubtedly some were,
but an army council that gave the nod for people to be killed on
the basis of information provided to it by a British agent itself
carries much more culpability than the people it despatched to early
graves.
Some
still ask if Scap was so dangerous a tout why is he still alive?
That answer to that question will be debated and mulled over for
some time to come. But what ethical justification would the republican
leadership have for doing to him what it and he colluded in doing
to so many others? After all, did he not hanker after the very things
the leadership sought? Affluence, a house in another jurisdiction,
divesting the IRA of its guns, and the ultimate dissolution of the
republican army. No, Freddie Scappaticci should not be harmed
he should be on the Sinn Fein negotiating team.
Spookaticci This
book has been long awaited. Since 1999 when allusions to a senior
British agent operating in the highest echelons of the IRA began
to filter into public discourse, unease mixed with fascination has
permeated the psyche of the republican constituency. Many believed
and some hoped that once Stakeknife was unmasked it would reveal
a high profile politician.
by Anthony McIntyre
Tongue
of my father Do
Liam, atá ag claoi lena dhúchas. For Liam, who is
cleaving to his tradition. Do Liam, nach bhfuil eagla air níos
mó. For Liam, who is no longer afraid. These are the book
dedications that Nuala Ní Dhomhnaill writes for me after
a recent reading. I have been talking to her in Irish for the first
time, having spoken English at our previous encounters.
by Liam Carson
Iraqs
Mercenary Armies Amongst all the bloodshed in Iraq, it is
hardly surprising that the death of one South African and the wounding
of five others in a bomb attack in Baghdad at the beginning of February
should have attracted little international attention. Yet the story
behind their presence in Iraq is an instructive one, with both chilling
and poignant dimensions. The dead man was Frans Strydom, a former
member of Koevoet, a notorious counter-insurgency unit that operated
in Namibia in the 1980s.
by Adrian Guelke
Lord
Falls - Diary of a slightly revolutionary constitutionalist Wednesday: Gday. One had a bonza
time in Oz. The people are lovely, so trusting, so rich. Sold a
good few books and had the chance to find out more about Ned Kelly.
I have no doubt that Ned was a proto-Provo who would support Sinn
Féin had he not been gunned down by the peelers. Have urged an inquiry
into Brit collusion in his demise. Must write a piece for AP/RN
about this.
Mixer
S
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